Senegal held up as an example in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic
According to a study published by «USA Today» and the highly prestigious «Foreign Policy» in September 2020, Senegal ranked second in the world for its response strategy and ability to adapt to the COVID-19 pandemic. This result is largely due to the very rapid decisions taken at the highest level of the State, by
the Macky Sall Presidency (closure of borders, ban on gatherings, intercity transport, quality of screening). These measures were relayed by ministers and local elected officials. Senegal ranks behind New Zealand but ahead of Denmark, France and the United States. «USA Today» even went so far as
Write «Senegal's handling of the pandemic can serve as an example for the United States». How many thousands or tens of thousands of lives were saved then?
That is the one and only true question.
An unprecedented situation, decisions taken in an emergency
The urgency and haste with which this pandemic had to be handled, including in France—to which I can bear witness—has no comparison in recent history. Perhaps those who were lounging around in massage parlours at the time were unaware of it or saw it from afar?
Local authorities were buying masks at exorbitant prices and physical fights at the bottom of the gangways to retrieve them on behalf of one person or another were fierce. The state was often bypassed or overwhelmed.
In France, Édouard Philippe, then Prime Minister, Agnès Buzyn, Minister of Health, and her successor Olivier Véran, who were targeted for no less than charges of «endangering the lives of others and voluntary failure to combat a disaster» (let us recall that the French government had maintained the municipal elections in March 2020 just as the pandemic was beginning to surge) were granted a dismissal and, naturally, there was never any question of the slightest deprivation of liberty.
A baseless cabal
Today, a cabal is being organised in Senegal against those who were on the front line in the fight against the pandemic. Rather than recognising their merit, the Party-State has initiated proceedings against them with the assistance of a completely subservient justice system acting on orders, which is reminiscent of the worst dictatorships. Salimata
Diop, former Minister for Women, Ismaila Madior Fall, former Minister of Justice, Aissatou Sophie Gladima, former Minister of Mines, and Moustapha Diop, former Minister of Industrial Development, are implicated by a National Assembly in which Pastef holds an overwhelming majority to refer matters to the High Court of Justice as it sees fit.
Former Minister of Community Development and brother-in-law of Macky Sall, Amadou Mansour Faye was, in turn, charged with «complicity in the embezzlement of public funds» and remanded in custody on Monday 26 May. The High Court of Justice of Senegal accuses him of having inflated the prices of rice purchases intended for vulnerable populations during the covid pandemic. He is therefore the fifth minister of the former regime to be placed under formal investigation for malpractice in this affair and the third to be placed on remand.
Prosecutions are brought and sentences handed down based on a single criterion: the greater or lesser degree of proximity to former President Macky Sall.
The Rule of Lawlessness
The imprisonment of Mansour Faye meets none of the criteria that justify such a measure: the accused is not on the run, he presents no risk of disturbing public order, no risk of collusion or agreement between witnesses and actors, he resides regularly in Saint-Louis, a city of which he is Mayor, and he voluntarily presented himself before the court (and even suffered a road traffic accident during his journey to honour his appearance).
On the merits, the case is completely devoid of any legal basis. Indeed, Article 1 of Decree No 20206781 of 18 March 2020 providing an exemption to the Public Procurement Code states very clearly that «works, supplies and services carried out in the context of the fight against COVID-19 are not subject to the provisions of the Public Procurement Code». Mr Faye questioned the Agency for
Public Procurement Regulation Authority (ARMP), which confirmed this non-application of the public procurement code to him.
Nevertheless, an open tender was organised under an emergency procedure with consultation of the Minister of Commerce regarding the price of foodstuffs. The awarding of the contracts, particularly for rice, was made to the suppliers who best met the criteria of capacity, availability and the lowest prices.
Furthermore, Minister Mansour Faye has no responsibility regarding the purchase of the products: he is neither the authorising officer for appropriations under budgetary regulations, nor the contract signatory, nor a member of the tender board.
Besides, the Court of Audit found no irregularities.
In a context of severe grain market shortages, prices naturally soared during this period. The comparison made in the bill of indictment addressed to Mansour Faye between the price of rice in 2013 and that in 2020 would be laughable if it did not have such tragic consequences. The obsolescence of sugar prices was indeed taken into account by the Court of Auditors, but not regarding the
Price of sugar. Funny that, isn't it?
The then President, Macky Sall, decided to heavily subsidise (300 billion CFA francs) the price of rice to bring about a reduction in the purchase price so that the most disadvantaged could manage to feed themselves despite the inflationary context.
Once the situation was restored, the public procurement code applied again, but the Minister of Finance is the sole authorising officer when the amount of the contracts exceeds 300,000,000 CFA francs, which is indeed the case.
To divert public attention away from the real situation in the country.
This procedure, devoid of any legal basis, does not do Senegal credit, a country with a democratic tradition and in which former leaders, without exception, enjoy the utmost respect. How much longer will Pastef's sole policy be to question the previous regime to conceal inaction and attempt to manipulate public opinion?
Actually, if the question were put to the Senegalese people: are you satisfied with the way Macky Sall and his ministers handled the pandemic? Do you think the Faye-Sonko duo would have done better or worse? The answers would almost certainly be unambiguous. When it comes to saving human lives, effective professionals are better than smooth talkers.
French 
English 
Chinese 
Arabic